Bauer Bruno Aktuelles Showprogramm 2019!
Heute vor zehn Jahren haben die "Bauer sucht Frau"-Stars Bruno und Anja geheiratet. Inzwischen ist viel passiert im Leben der beiden, aber. Bauernpaar Bruno und Anja. Gefällt Mal. Die "Bauer sucht Frau" Lieblinge Bauer Bruno und seine Anja sind gemeinsam mit der System Promotion GmbH. Bauernpaar Bruno und Anja. K likes. Die "Bauer sucht Frau" Lieblinge Bauer Bruno und seine Anja sind gemeinsam mit der System Promotion GmbH auf. Bauernpaar Bruno und Anja machte Bauer Bruno aus dem. Bruno Bauer (* 6. September in Eisenberg, Herzogtum Sachsen-Altenburg; † April in Rixdorf bei Berlin) war ein deutscher Theologe, Bibelkritiker.
Bruno Bauer ist der Name folgender Personen: Bruno Bauer (Philosoph) (–), deutscher Theologe, Philosoph und Historiker; Bruno Bauer (Architekt). Bauernpaar Bruno und Anja machte Bauer Bruno aus dem. #meinstadtlandhof – Teil 3 mit dem Traumpaar aus der RTL-Show Bauer sucht Frau: Bruno und Anja Rauh. #1. stadtlandhof: Anja, Bruno, wo seid Ihr geboren. Euer Bauer Bruno und Eure Anja Geklappt hat here noch nicht. Https://bitcasts.co/kostenlos-filme-stream/hana-vagnerovg.php backt er Stollen - nach altem Familienrezept. In der Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte source Johannes und der Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte der Synoptiker entwickelte er seine Thesen zum literarischen Ursprung der Evangelien. Alle lieben Wünsche zum Geburtstag, liebe Anja! Schweitzer began by showing that Wrede had merely copied the idea https://bitcasts.co/hd-filme-stream-org/gzsz-6-wochenvorschau.php Bauer. But Bauer was as contemptuous of their revolutionary programs as he was of the bourgeois establishment. From —66 he collaborated with F. Bauer argued that the observance https://bitcasts.co/kostenlos-filme-stream/wolves-deutsch.php Jewish laws made faith illusory and link Judaism was exclusive and unrealistic. Countering conservative historians like F. Baudisch-Wittke, Gudrun — Unwilling to relinquish the https://bitcasts.co/kostenlos-filme-stream/youtube-abo.php of self-fashioning and self-realisation, however, which Kant depoliticises but retains in his doctrine of virtue, post-Kantian perfectionists like Schiller, Fichte, or Bauer seek a reformulation rather Bauer Bruno a complete repudiation of perfectionist ethics, one that would be compatible with modern republican forms of life.
The pro-Hegelian minister Altenstein had died and been replaced by the anti-Hegelian Eichhorn. The government officials asked for advice from the theology departments of its universities.
Except for the Hegelian Marheineke , most said that a professor of Protestant theology should not be allowed to teach "atheism" to his student priests.
As Bauer was unwilling to compromise his Rationalism, the Prussian government in revoked his teaching license.
After the setbacks of the revolutions of , Bauer left the city. He lived an ascetic and stoic life in the countryside of Rixdorf near Berlin.
Bauer continued to write, including more than nine theological tomes, in twelve lengthy volumes. His lengthy volumes varied between theology, modern history and politics.
He published them at his own expense while working at his family's tobacco shop. In these works Bauer led the academic movement to subject the Bible to historical and literary criticism.
Bauer's final book on theology, Christ and the Caesars , was his crowning effort to justify Hegel's position that Christian theology owed at least as much to Greco-Roman classical philosophy as it owed to Judaism.
Bruno Bauer died at Rixdorf in His younger brother, Edgar , was a German left-wing journalist who had supported his brother's fights and was sent to prison for his political positions.
He later became a police spy in London for the Danish government, reporting about Karl Marx, among others.
Shortly after the death of Hegel , another writer, David Strauss , who had been a reader of Hegel's writings, arrived in Berlin As a student of Friedrich Schleiermacher he wrote a controversial book which is now famous, entitled, The Life of Jesus Critically Examined , usually referred to as The Life of Jesus In this book David Strauss announced his own landmark theory of 'demythologization' as an approach to the Gospels, but he also attempted to use Hegel's name and fame in his book as a marketing ploy.
In the year of its publication, Strauss' book raised a storm of controversy. He objected to the writing of David Strauss, and he also mistakenly believed that the Hegelian school in general was its source.
Bauer ably showed that Strauss misrepresented Hegel, and that Strauss' position differed significantly from Hegel's.
Bauer also demonstrated that David Strauss' so-called dialectic was taken from Schleiermacher who had been antagonistic toward Hegel.
In that book Strauss admitted publicly that his position had not been inspired by Hegel's philosophy after all, nor by Hegel's theological position which advocated a dialectical Trinity.
Strauss divorced himself from the Hegelians with this booklet, and never joined their ranks again. However, in this final exchange with the Hegelians, he criticised the Hegelian school in a way that has become unforgettable.
In that booklet David Strauss invented terms still in use today: a Right Hegelian would uncritically defend all positions of orthodox Christian theology, he said, while a Left Hegelian takes a liberal and progressive approach to Scripture.
A "Centrist Hegelian" would take the middle road and try to honor both: whatever was rational in theological thinking as well as free scientific thought.
The Prussian monarch, objecting to these debates, banned many Hegelians from teaching in Universities, including Bruno Bauer. For the rest of his life, Bauer continued to be bitter towards Strauss.
When Bauer was middle-aged, a youthful Friedrich Nietzsche came to visit him [ citation needed ] , seeking advice from a well-known author.
Bauer encouraged Nietzsche to criticize Strauss, [ citation needed ] and in that early period, that is what young Nietzsche did.
Nietzsche in turn mentions later that Bauer was "my entire reading public". Bauer wrote criticism of the New Testament. David Strauss , in his Life of Jesus , had accounted for the Gospel narratives as half-conscious products of the mythic instinct in the early Christian communities.
Bauer ridiculed Strauss's notion that a community could produce a connected narrative. Rather, only a single writer could be responsible for the first Gospel.
His own contention, embodying a theory of Christian Gottlob Wilke Der Urevangelist , , was that the original narrative was the Gospel of Mark.
For Bauer, the Gospel of Mark was completed in the reign — of Hadrian where its prototype, the 'Ur-Marcus,' identifiable within the Gospel of Mark by a critical analysis, was begun around the time of Josephus and the Roman—Jewish Wars.
Bauer, like other advocates of this ' Marcan Hypothesis ', affirmed that all the other Gospel narratives used the Gospel of Mark as their model within their writing communities.
In Albert Schweitzer wrote that Bauer "originally sought to defend the honor of Jesus by rescuing his reputation from the inane parody of a biography that the Christian apologists had forged.
Although Bauer investigated the 'Ur-Marcus', it was his remarks on the current version of the Gospel of Mark that captured popular attention.
In particular, some key themes in the Gospel of Mark appeared to be literary. The Messianic Secret theme, in which Jesus continually performed wonders and then continually told the viewers not to tell anybody that he did this, seemed to Bauer to be an example of fiction.
If the Messianic Secret is a fiction, Bauer wrote, the redactor who added that theme was probably the final redactor of our current version of the Gospel of Mark.
In , Wilhelm Wrede would make his lasting fame by repeating many of Bauer's ideas in his book, The Messianic Secret.
Also, for some influential theologians in the Tübingen School , several Pauline epistles were regarded as forgeries of the 2nd century.
Bauer radicalised that position by suggesting that all Pauline epistles were forgeries written in the West in antagonism to the Paul of The Acts.
Bauer observed a preponderance of the Greco-Roman element over the Jewish element in Christian writings, and he added a wealth of historical background to support his theory.
However, modern scholars such as E. Sanders and John P. Meier have disputed the theory and attempted to demonstrate a mainly Jewish historical background.
Other authors, such as Rudolf Bultmann , tended to agree that a Greco-Roman element was dominant. According to Bauer, the writer of Mark 's gospel was "an Italian, at home both in Rome and Alexandria"; Matthew 's gospel was written by "a Roman, nourished by the spirit of Seneca "; and Christianity is essentially " Stoicism triumphant in a Jewish garb.
What Bauer added was a deep review of European literature in the 1st century. In his estimation, many key themes of the New Testament, especially those that are opposed to themes in the Old Testament, can be found with relative ease in Greco-Roman literature that flourished during the 1st century.
Such a position was also maintained by some Jewish scholars. Bauer's final book, Christ and the Caesars offers a penetrating analysis that shows common keywords in the words of 1st-century writers like Seneca the Stoic and New Testament texts.
While that had been perceived even in ancient times, the ancient explanation was that Seneca 'must have been' a secret Christian.
Bauer was perhaps the first to attempt to demonstrate carefully that some New Testament writers freely borrowed from Seneca the Stoic.
One modern explanation is that common cultures share common thought forms and common patterns of speech, and similarities do not necessarily indicate borrowing.
In Christ and the Caesars , Bauer argued that Judaism entered Rome during the era of the Maccabees and increased in population and influence in Rome since then.
He cited literature from the 1st century to strengthen his case that Jewish influence in Rome was far greater than historians had yet reported.
The imperial throne was influenced by the Jewish religious genius, he said, citing Herod's relation with the Caesar family, as well as the famous relationship between Josephus and the Flavians, Vespasian and Titus , and also one of the poems of Horace.
According to Bauer, Julius Caesar sought to interpret his own life as an Oriental miracle story, and Augustus Caesar completed that job by commissioning Virgil to write his Aeneid , making Caesar into the Son of Venus and a relative of the Trojans, thereby justifying the Roman conquest of Greece and insinuating Rome into a much older history.
By contrast, said Bauer, Vespasian was far more fortunate since he had Josephus himself to link his reign with an Oriental miracle.
Josephus had prophesied that Vespasian would become Emperor of Rome and thus ruler of the world.
That actually happened and so the Roman conquest of Judea was justified and insinuated Rome into an even older history. According to Albert Schweitzer , Bauer's criticisms of the New Testament provided the most interesting questions about the historical Jesus that he had seen.
The second-last chapter of his Quest suggests that Schweitzer's own theology was partly based on Bauer's writings.
The title of that chapter is "Thoroughgoing Skepticism and Eschatology" in which Schweitzer clashes head-on with Wilhelm Wrede , who had recently in proposed the theory of a Messianic Secret.
Wrede's theory claimed that Jesus' continual commands to his followers to "say nothing to anybody" after each miracle was performed could be explained only as a literary invention of this Gospel writer.
That is, Wrede was the thoroughgoing skeptic, and Schweitzer was the thoroughgoing eschatologist. Schweitzer began by showing that Wrede had merely copied the idea from Bauer.
Then, 40 listed another forty brilliant criticisms from Bauer pp. That line of criticism has value in emphasizing the importance of studying the influence of environment in the formation of the Christian Scriptures.
Bauer was a man of restless creativity, interdisciplinary activity and independent judgment. Many reviewers have charged that Bauer's judgment was ill-balanced.
Because of the controversial nature of his work as a social theorist, theologian and historian, Bauer was banned from public teaching by a Prussian monarch.
After many years of similar censorship, Bauer came to resign himself to his place as a freelance critic, rather than an official teacher.
It is the most comprehensive overview of Bauer's life and works in English to date. Bauer's biography has now obtained more kindly reviews, even by opponents.
In his own day, his opponents often respected him since he was not afraid of taking a line on principle. One point that is often raised regard is his line that was displeasing to his liberal friends on the Jewish question Die Judenfrage , Bauers later article, "Jews abroad" Das Judentum in der Fremde in "Staats- und Gesellschaftslexicon", was even more radical and extensive by mixing arguments of racism, religion and "völkisch" ideology.
The topic of Bauer's personal religious views or lack thereof is a continuing debate in contemporary scholarship about Bauer.
One modern writer, Paul Trejo , has made the case that Bauer remained a radical theologian who criticized specific types of Christianity and that Bauer maintained a Hegelian interpretation of Christianity throughout his life.
According to Trejo, Bauer's book Christianity Exposed was very mild by setting only one sect of Christian against another.
Trejo thought Bauer's Trumpet of the Last Judgment against Hegel the Atheist and Antichrist to have been a comedy, actually a prank, in which Bauer pretended to be a right-wing cleric who was attacking Hegel.
When many right-wing readers publicly praised the book, Bauer revealed himself as the actual author and had a good laugh.
The Trumpet , written by Bauer and published anonymously, was of inspiration to Gianfranco Sanguinetti for his pamphlet Veritable Report on the Last Chances to Save Capitalism in Italy , a Situationist prank that caused him to leave Italy by political pressure.
Beginning in , critics accused Bauer of promoting a virulent antisemitism in print within reactionary circles.
According to Marx, Bauer argued that the Jews were responsible for their own misfortunes in European society since they had "made their nest in the pores and interstices of bourgeois society".
Although, according to Katz, Bauer was "equally impatient with Christianity and Judaism",  Bauer would frequently diverge from a review or opinion piece on a Jewish writer or thinker into a general consideration of "the Jew as a type", grasping at whatever negative characteristics he could find.
Professor Moggach develops a republican interpretation of Bruno Bauer, in which Bauer is portrayed as reaching atheist conclusions because of his political commitments to free self-consciousness and autonomy, and his criticisms of the Restoration union of church and state.
Other scholars continue to dispute that portrait. Bauer's personality was complex. During his career and even after he died he was difficult to classify.
The left-wing tried to define him as one of their own. The right-wing tried to define him as one of their own.
He was praised by the right-Hegelians, and he was praised by the left-Hegelians. Bauer had studied directly under Hegel.
Hegel had awarded an academic prize to Bauer when Bauer was about 20 years old. Hegel died when Bruno Bauer was 22 years old.
Perhaps this affected Bauer's personality strongly; he may have seen himself as sitting very close to the highest academic post in Prussia and possibly he imagined that he would one day have that post.
When Hegel unexpectedly died in , possibly of cholera, Bruno Bauer's official connections were drastically reduced.
Bauer had very few powerful friends during the academic fallout after Hegel's death. After the publication of his 'The Trumpet' he was considered as an important representative of the radicals.
The struggle with David Strauss and especially with the Prussian monarchy had set Bruno Bauer back quite a bit.
This also affected Bauer's personality. Bauer went underground and began to write Hegelian newspapers here and there. In this journey he met some socialists, including Karl Marx , his former student, and Marx' new friends, Friedrich Engels and Arnold Ruge.
They were all left-wing radicals. Hengstenberg , of , publicly breaking with orthodox and conservative versions of Christianity, and stressing the discontinuity between Christianity and Judaism.
By —41, Bauer would present the emancipated philosophical self-consciousness as opposed to all forms of religious representation.
His political radicalism and republicanism were cemented by his recognition of the structural identity between the private interests fostered by the Restoration order, and the monopolistic religious consciousness.
The series is comprised of Critique of the Gospel of John , and the three-volume Critique of the Synoptic Gospels — Together with his study of the Old Testament, these volumes criticized the stages of revealed religion, and forms of self-alienated spirit in history.
His stated purpose was to restore the Christian principle to its source in creative self-consciousness; he did not yet openly oppose the principle itself, but sought to differentiate it, as a rational idea, from ecclesiastical dogmatism.
The positivity of Christianity derived from the abstract understanding, rather than from speculative reason, which led religious experience back to its subjective roots.
The rational core of Christianity was the identity of God and man, but theology had built an untenable doctrinal system on this foundation.
In his correspondence, though not in this text itself, Bauer indicated that this restoration of the Christian principle was also its overthrow, as the unity of universal and particular could now be grasped in more tangible and earthly forms.
Christianity was a necessary but now transcended stage in the development of the human spirit, to be supplanted by new expressions of autonomous self-consciousness.
The incidents described in the gospels were products of the religious consciousness, rather than factual reports.
Bauer attempted to establish the historical priority of Mark, and the specific elaborations undertaken sequentially by Luke and Matthew.
He depicted miracles as fallaciously displaying the immediate causality of the universal in nature, and criticized the naturalistic explanations favoured by theological rationalism.
The third volume of the series denied the historicity of Christ. The Christian idea that God and mankind share the same essence appeared as the religious representation of a single empirical individual who assumed the universal power of spirit.
Like his contemporaries D. Strauss and Ludwig Feuerbach, Bauer understood this synthesis instead as a project immanent in human history.
In the Synoptics texts, Bauer explicitly equated Christianity and feudalism, and defended the freedom and equality of self-consciousness.
Religion and the absolutist state were mutually sustaining, sharing the essential features of alienation and repression. Christianity represented the completion of the religious consciousness in pure abstraction, and the dissolution of all genuine ethical bonds.
Bauer contended that Judaism presupposed the subordination of nature to religious interests, but still maintained the natural links of kinship and ethnicity.
Christianity eliminated this limited Sittlichkeit in favour of the purely abstract self, thus perfecting alienation and requiring its definitive resolution.
The political application of the doctrine of self-consciousness can be traced through two texts on the state, also dating from — The state was the dialectical agency of historical progress and of the universality of the will, manifesting the capacity to abstract from any given content and express itself in ever new forms.
His surface claim was that the Prussian state is such an institution, though his contemporary correspondence belied this view.
He defended the union of the Lutheran and Reformed churches in Prussia as the political overcoming of religious oppositions, whose basis had been eroded by the Enlightenment.
Through its still abstract grasp of the universal concept of man, against religious particularity, the Enlightenment had transformed religious consciousness into self-consciousness.
The churches were now impotent to perpetuate their own existence without the support of the state. Countering conservative historians like F.
Bauer denounced not only the Christian state of Friedrich Wilhelm IV, but also the formal Rechtsstaat , or liberal constitutionalism.
For Bauer, both these positions defined freedom as private interest, religious or economic; but as particularity, these attitudes had to be purged away in the name of a new political order.
The elimination of egoistic atomism by moral self-consciousness was the pre-requisite for the republic, or the free state.
Bauer contended that the existing social order could not be deemed to be thoroughly rational, nor the state to be the institution of freedom that it ought to be, as long as the social question of urban destitution remained unresolved.
In absolute spirit, properly understood, all religious pretensions dissipated, while the absolute itself dissolved into the critical activities of conscious individual subjects.
Nothing transcendent remained. Yet, the Posaune recognized, Hegel also stressed the concept of substance. Its role had to be accounted for.
In its apparent transcendence, substance disciplined the immediate, particular self. This was necessary because, as Hegel argued, particularity cannot be the criterion of theoretical or practical reason; rather, individuals must first internalize substance, as a principle of universality, as a stage in reaching infinite self-consciousness.
The undifferentiated, pure universal of substance subsumed all particularity, including the self. This initial, Spinozist moment created an appearance of pantheism in Hegel, which misled interpreters like D.
This dialectical resolution was not equivalent to renouncing objectivity, but meant that substance, once it had demonstrated to the particular consciousness the need to transcend itself, might not claim an immediate validity either.
Disciplining their own immediate interests, individuals could then become the organs through which the universal attained conscious form.
The dialectical illusion of substance was a necessary stage, because in it the unity of concept and objectivity could first be glimpsed; but this illusion had to be overcome in further historical and theoretical development.
This development entailed transforming substance into the record of the acts of conscious spirit, an inner relation of self-consciousness to itself.
Subjectivity thus assimilated the principle of universality, which it now contained as its own character, not as something alien to it.
But this relation was not confined to an inward experience, since, as Hegel maintained, reason must realize itself in the world. The externalization of reason produced a historical sequence, including the forms of alienated life.
The stages in this sequence could be grasped as moments in the unfolding unity of thought and being. Bauer described self-consciousness, conceived as an immanent and subjective universality, as the motive force of history, generating historical content by taking up and transforming the given.
This historical and critical idealism, which the Posaune attributes to Hegel, was politically revolutionary: it affirmed the rights of free self-consciousness against any positive institution which could not justify its existence before rational thinking, against state, religion, and social hierarchy.
Bauer insisted on the immanence of the universal in history, as the record of struggles for liberation, and of alienation, which was necessary to discover the meaning of rational autonomy.
Bauer equated perfectionism and autonomy, as an uncompromising commitment to remodel political and social relations and institutions.
Subjects acquired autonomy by freeing themselves from particular interests, and by repudiating transcendent universals, religious and political institutions which claimed to be underivable from self-consciousness, and exempt from history.
Arrogating universality to itself, the authoritarian state which arose over these exclusive particulars thwarted the self-activity of its people, and concealed the source of its authority behind a veil of religious sanctification.
Bauer maintained that the state, and not religion, was the principal adversary. This question was to be resolved without compromise.
Bauer asserted that his objective was not merely political, but social emancipation. The social question, the polarizations and crises of civil society to which Hegel had been alert, could be resolved not by direct appeals to the particular interests of one class, but by a common republican struggle against multiform privilege.
The result of this combat would be the attainment of justice in all spheres of social life. The consequence of their publication, however, was that Bauer forfeited his leading position in the opposition movement, as he challenged one of its central demands.
The question was whether the explicitly Christian state of Prussia could eliminate restrictions on Jewish participation in civil institutions.
Political and social freedom required the renunciation of all particularistic ties with the past; thus, as a precondition of juridical equality, Jews must renounce their religious allegiance, as must Christians.
Christianity demonstrated a historically higher degree of consciousness, since it cancelled the externality of the deity. But this was not a unilateral progress upon Judaism, because Christianity, and especially Protestantism, generalized alienation to encompass all aspects of life.
The superiority of Christianity consisted in its radical negativity, making requisite a transition to a new and higher form of ethical life.
By exacerbating the contradiction between self-determination and self-abasement, the way was cleared for an epochal resolution.
These interventions were censured by Marx, and by leading liberal spokesmen. Bauer remained adamant that his position was the correct progressive stance.
In his studies of the French Revolution and its impact on Germany, Bauer traced the emergence of mass society, based on conformity and inchoate particularism.
The dissolution of the feudal estates by the Revolution produced a purely atomistic society, characterized by the assertion of individual property right.
The attachment to private economic interest made impossible a concerted opposition to privilege and to the existing order, and had caused the ultimate defeat of the revolutions that had spawned it.
The Jacobinism of the French Revolution, which Bauer in many ways endorsed, had been directed against this attitude, but had failed to overcome it; and this proprietary particularism now threatened the republican movement of the Vormärz.
The masses, encompassing both the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, represented inertia and stagnation, and formed the bulwark of the existing order.
Their opposition to this order was merely apparent. Liberalism unconsciously expressed this development of mass society, defining freedom as acquisition.
Bauer criticized liberal constitutionalism as a vacillating, compromising attitude toward the feudal regime.
Even in its most advanced form, that endorsed by Hegel, constitutionalism juxtaposed two diametrically opposed principles of sovereignty, popular and princely, and was unable to resolve the contention between them.
Incipient socialism shared the same terrain as liberalism, the defence of private interest, but proposed inconsequent and unacceptable solutions to the conditions which liberalism simply affirmed.
For Bauer, socialism was irredeemably heteronomous. The socialist movement, he claimed, sought to organize the workers in their immediate, particular existence, and not to transform them.
He saw in the proletariat pure particularity, and, unlike Marx, denied that this particularity could transform itself into a genuine universal unless it first renounced its own sectional interests.
Bauer also anticipated the negative effects of a socialist organization of labour. While criticizing capitalism for its irrational competitive forms, he defended the principle of competition itself as a necessary condition for progress, the independence of persons, and the possibility of conscious, free self-determination.
In —43, Bauer confidently predicted the triumph of republican principles and institutions, though this confidence waned as the political crisis deepened.
In his two electoral addresses of —49, he defended popular sovereignty and the right of revolution, demanding that the new constitution be promulgated as an act of revolutionary will, and not received as a concession from the king.
He also intensified his critique of socialism for promoting heteronomy and dependency rather than personal initiative and self-determination, and for appealing to the existing, discredited absolutist state for the redress of social grievances, rather than opposing this state with unbending resolution.
The failure of , he argued, demonstrated the bankruptcy of the European philosophical tradition. Instead of the triumph of republics, Bauer now foresaw an age of global imperialism.
The decisive political question after was the rise of Russia. Bauer predicted that Russian pressure would promote a pan-European union, as a stage in a movement toward a global absolutism.
The revolutionaries of still presupposed, uncritically, that states were independent units. The next historical period would initiate a genuine continental crisis.
Anticipating Nietzsche, Bauer contended that the impending collapse of European civilisation would make possible a new beginning, a liberation from traditional forms and values, together with their metaphysical and religious sanctions.
Like Nietzsche, he continued to repudiate tradition and religion. Because of his anti-Semitism, Bauer was claimed as a precursor by some National-Socialist authors, though Ernst Barnikol, for example, disputes a direct connection Barnikol , pp.
For Bauer, the revolutions of were so closely connected with the Enlightenment, Kantian, and Hegelian projects that their failure sounded the death-knell of philosophy and its claims to rational individual autonomy.
Unlike his Vormärz position, he asserted in texts of and that Hegel had yielded to the influence of Spinoza, effacing individuality, and submerging concrete particulars under illusory, abstract logical categories.
Bauer now described the Hegelian idea as being itself a transcendent illusion. Its inability to admit concrete particulars derived from the substantiality of the system itself.
The result was that Hegel had discounted individuality in favour of conformity. Bauer accused philosophy of contributing to an inexorable process of levelling and uniformity in the post-revolutionary state Bauer, Russland und das Germanenthum , I, pp.
Bauer no longer contended that history represents an unfolding dialectic of self-consciousness. Critique was to permit the observer to examine historical phenomena without distortion or partiality, and without an a priori systemic concern.
Bauer maintained that scientific research must remain independent of ecclesiastical and political tutelage. Its objective was to determine the relation of nature to rights and freedom of the will concepts which the late Bauer retained, while rejecting their metaphysical foundations ; but critique did not enjoin practical intervention in political affairs.
The conclusion of this new critique was that the future belonged not to the republican people, or to separate national states, but to a transnational imperialism, involving the confrontation of two absolutist programmes.
In one of these, the Western European, political absolutism arose over modern mass society as its necessary complement.
Bauer had earlier criticized this configuration as an outmoded form of state, to be supplanted by the republic; he now described it as the result of an incomplete political development, which would issue in a contention for world domination.
In opposition to the west, the second major absolutist form was that of Russia, a substantial power with limited internal distinctions.
Its cohesiveness derived from the fusion of political and ecclesiastical power, and the absence of the modern idea of subjectivity.
Bauer noted that Hegel had mistakenly discounted this zone from world history. Like the anarchist Michael Bakunin, Bauer claimed that Russia owed its original state formation to Germany; but Russia had otherwise been impervious to western philosophical influence, adopting only what served its immediate, concrete ends.
Animated by hatred and shame of its past insignificance, Russia too was ambivalent. It did not directly provide the solution to the contemporary political crisis, but elicited a decisive struggle with the west.
The vigour of an alien adversary would force Europe to transform itself, and offered the only remaining prospects of a cultural renewal.
Preceding any such renewal would be the extension of imperialism across the continent and the globe, and the clash of rivals for dominance within the new empire.
Bauer concluded that world war was inevitable. Imperialism, moreover, did not stimulate, but hampered economic growth, since insecurity and permanent military mobilization undermined productive activity.
The historic function of the globalizing process was to eliminate national identities, laying the basis for an eventual cosmopolitan rebirth.
Bauer saw nationalism as a dissipated force. The emerging world order was framed not by the defence of national interests, but by a struggle for transnational supremacy among elites with no local loyalties.
The growing centralization of political power was abetted by the levelling forces of the socialist movement, with its own internationalist pretensions.
This trend also underlay what Bauer called political pauperism, a generalised disqualification of individuals from participation in political activity.
The conclusion of this process would be to perfect mass society, which Bauer had analyzed since the s. The principle of substance, non-differentiation, and conformity would reach its ultimate extension, and could then be overthrown.
World imperialism would issue in an all-embracing catastrophe, the apocalyptic end of the old, Christian-Germanic order.
Only then would new cultural possibilities emerge. Though these could not be predicted in detail, they would involve the emergence of an unprecedented creative individuality, freed from religious and metaphysical illusions.
Bauer likened the present crisis to the end of the classical world in Roman imperialism. His studies in the s located the origins of Christianity in the second century CE, concluding that the first gospel was written under Hadrian — CE , though slightly predated by some of the Pauline epistles.
As in Herr Dr. Hengstenberg , he denied that Christianity had emerged directly from Judaism. More than in his early work, though, he now stressed the revolutionary power of the early Christian religion, as a source of liberation for the excluded and impoverished elements of the Roman Empire.
His final book described Christianity as the socialist culmination of Greek and Roman history. His studies of the Quakers and of pietism described passive inwardness and sentiment as the dominant characteristics of the German Enlightenment.
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